{"id":532058,"date":"2026-04-10T07:30:00","date_gmt":"2026-04-10T05:30:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/leregardlibre.com\/?p=532058"},"modified":"2026-04-14T12:01:45","modified_gmt":"2026-04-14T10:01:45","slug":"liberalism-alliances","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/leregardlibre.com\/en\/policy\/liberalism-alliances\/","title":{"rendered":"Can liberalism live without alliances?\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"

Liberalism had the opportunity to govern alone between 1830 and 1835. Its distrust of the state prevented it from continuing the experiment. Since then, to maintain its influence, it has had to form alliances. But with whom? <\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n

Liberalism is the fruit of a long history that began, for our purposes, in the 18th century.th<\/sup>\u00a0century. By postulating the autonomy of the individual against any form of authority supposedly holding sway over his or her freedom, the Enlightenment drew up the contours of a society removed from all exogenous constraints, and envisaging it solely in terms of its ability to organize itself. Voltaire, d'Alembert, Diderot and Rousseau created a new man, free to realize his aspirations and beliefs, and equal to all others. Master of his own destiny, he is drawn into the vast movement of progress, of which he is both an actor and an object. He can, and must, improve, because his status is not condemned to remain immobile. Social ascent is open to him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The liberal advent<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

This new man, inflated by his freedom at last recognized, was propelled to center stage by the French Revolution. His freedom, theorized by philosophers, became a reality. However, the unfolding of this pivotal moment in our modern history did not go according to plan. The promises brandished in 1789 gave birth to regimes that reinterpreted the freedom announced in the chaos that ultimately generated a ruthless dictatorship and an empire that invented itself as the redeemer of the principles of the Revolution. The monarchies swept away in the revolutionary fury then believed they had regained their legitimacy at the Congress of Vienna, but underestimated the popularity of the ideas that the Revolution had brought forth.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Overall, the Restoration was a failure. The revolutionary legacy was by no means dispersed. But one question remained: was it possible to preserve it from any bloodthirsty drift? The most accomplished answer came from the thinkers of emerging liberalism, led by Jean-Baptiste Say and Benjamin Constant. The sovereignty of the people is fundamental, but can only be achieved within a network of institutions protecting it from any return to a perilous authority. The democracy that enshrines it must be representative, and the Constitution on which it is based must above all, in addition to the separation of powers, guarantee respect for individual freedom, including economic and religious freedom, as well as equality before the law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read also | Democracy and its enemies<\/a><\/h6>\n\n\n\n

Liberal ideas flourished and fueled a number of movements at odds with the powers that be. In France, the July Revolution of 1830 gave the latter access to power, and they rallied without hesitation to a monarchy that placed the defense of liberties at the top of its ambitions. While the liberal movement failed in Germany and Italy, under pressure from local princes, it flourished in Switzerland. The canton of Ticino was the first to adopt a liberal constitution, as early as May 1830, but events in Paris sent shockwaves through all the cantons of the Swiss Plateau: the Regeneration movement. The cantons adopted new institutions in 1831, incorporating universal suffrage more or less quickly and, in some cases, referendum-type mechanisms.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Liberalism and the question of government<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Liberalism enjoyed its governmental heyday in the regenerated cantons, while the French king Louis-Philippe quickly forgot his initial liberal inclinations. Liberal thinking was put into action, reforming public education, which the state, whose necessity in this area was recognized, had to take charge of, while organizing efficient infrastructures, such as roads, to serve an economy freed from all hindrances. But this governing liberalism was short-lived. As early as 1835, the Liberals were questioning themselves, between a sense of duty accomplished and their reluctance to commit themselves to a policy that might strengthen the State they distrusted. Above all, they were now outflanked on their left by the radical movement, which highlighted their contradictions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Frankly anti-clerical, the radicals did not shy away from a more active state in economic matters, and demanded a democracy more respectful of popular sovereignty, as well as a complete reform of federal institutions, more centralized and better able to defend the Confederation's interests on the international stage. Tetanized, the majority of Liberals eventually merged with the Radical movement. This process led, in 1894, to the creation of the Radical-Democratic Party, after the expulsion of its most left-wing wing, which was soon integrated into the nascent socialist movement. The more right-wing wing, made up of liberals who had become increasingly conservative and remained hostile to radicalism, later founded the Swiss Liberal Party.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This development is symptomatic of the dilemma that afflicts a liberalism confronted with the constraints of doing business, in a context where the State is endowed with increasing powers, notably to respond to changes in capitalism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The need for alliances<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

And for good reason: once the 1830-1835 sequence was over, liberalism was no longer able to govern, to work with a state feared for its inclination to interfere in the private sphere. To retain influence in the political game, it had to ally itself with a force less reluctant to take on the complexities of the state. There are two options here. Either it allies itself with republicans, which it will do in part in France, since \u00abright-wing\u00bb republicanism will never emerge from its subjection to the primacy of the state, and successfully in Switzerland, with its merger with the radicals, who are intrinsically \u00abstatist liberals\u00bb. The other path open to it is an alliance with Protestant conservative movements, their hopes of finding common ground with their Catholic counterparts having, in Switzerland, stumbled over their respective, fundamentally divergent perceptions of individual freedom.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The conservative rallying of some of the Liberals did not result in failure. In Switzerland, the \u00abliberal-conservatives\u00bb, who remained powerful in the French-speaking part of the country and for a time in the main German-speaking towns, were deeply rooted in their Protestant faith, and for a long time acted as watchdogs for liberty, in a relationship with the radicals that was both complicit and tinged with mistrust. In England, the break-up of the Whigs led the majority of them to the Tories, subordinating the latter to a liberal reading of the economy. The remainder went over to Labour or to a social-liberal movement with blurred boundaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Germany, however, the liberal awakening in the wake of the People's Spring of 1848 quickly collapsed into a boundless admiration for Bismarck, committed to building a unified Germany, the great dream of German liberals.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

And what about today?<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n

These debates are not just history, while the still-strong position of the Liberal-Radical Party (PLR), heir to Swiss-style radicalism and liberalism, is constantly being called into question.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Swiss liberalism, already preoccupied with \u00abmanaging\u00bb the neo-liberalism that began to emerge in 1980, and defined by its defense of trade globalization, suffered a fatal split in the 1990s, when it split over the question of Switzerland's rapprochement with Europe. The Radicals were generally in favor, while the French-speaking Liberals made no secret of their enthusiasm. But neither group was able to combine their convictions with a defense of the national idea that was re-emerging after a period of hibernation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This task fell to the former Agrarian Party, founded during the First World War and renamed the SVP in 1973. Marrying Hayek's liberalism to Switzerland's mythical history, the UDC renewed the old Swiss liberal-conservative base, but with \u00abpopulist\u00bb references that soon tarnished its image in the eyes of classic \u00abliberal-radicals\u00bb.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read also | Swiss political parties: continuity in diversity<\/a><\/h6>\n\n\n\n

Now united within the PLR, created in 2009 in an attempt to halt the hemorrhaging of their most conservative colleagues to the UDC, the liberals in the broadest sense have found themselves obliged to return to the old question of alliances likely to suit them least, insofar as the radicals have long since lost their function as a pillar of the federal state... and therefore their ability to govern, if not alone, then at least from a position of strength. In the 1990s, there was at one time talk of a merger between the Radicals and the Christian Democratic Party (CVP). The denominational barrier, although weakened as society became more secular, was a major obstacle. And the transformation of the PDC into the \u00abCentre\u00bb, now entirely deconfessionalized by its merger with a short-lived dissidence of the UDC, is scarcely more ingamous than the PLR and offers few solutions beyond tactical alliances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The PLR's real ally remains the SVP, Switzerland's largest party, with which the Liberals of the 90s were planning to merge, based on their shared Liberal-Conservative tradition... In a way, this alliance reshapes the Radical-Liberal-Conservative conglomerate that has long ruled Switzerland. Should the SVP's \u00abpopulist\u00bb leanings be an insurmountable barrier to the two groups working together, as they have more than once demonstrated their \u00abstrike force\u00bb? No, as long as the alliance is well-tuned and based on a real strategy, as is the case with the left-wing parties, which are not averse to joining forces despite their fundamental differences.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Read also | Federalism and capitalism: the story of a misunderstanding<\/a><\/h6>\n\n\n\n

In Switzerland, this bet is possible. However, we have more reservations when it comes to other countries. Firstly, because liberalism rarely has a governmental \u00absurface\u00bb similar to that offered by Swiss radicalism. Secondly, because so-called populist formations often land well beyond the conservative liberalism found in the SVP's doctrine.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Olivier Meuwly<\/strong>\u00a0is a historian, specializing in 19th<\/sup>\u00a0century. He is the author of numerous essays on direct democracy, liberalism and Swiss political parties.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

You have just read an analysis from our dossier \u00abWhat alliances for the Liberals?\u00bb, published in our print edition (THE FREE LOOK <\/em>N\u00b0125<\/a>).<\/h6>\n\n\n\n
\"liberalism<\/figure>
\n

Olivier Meuwly<\/strong>
La R\u00e9g\u00e9n\u00e9ration. Le\u00a0lib\u00e9ralisme suisse \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9preuve du pouvoir (1830-1847)<\/em> <\/strong>
May 2022
Presses Polytechniques et Universitaires Romandes, \u00abSavoir suisse\u00bb collection\u00bb <\/strong>
160 pages<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n
Order the book<\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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