News Mondays - Nicolas Jutzet
The raids of October 16 could well turn into a real «...«Captain Haddock's plaster». Days after this eventful episode, the tension still seems to be at its height. Turning into a never-ending soap opera, the episode in question may well deal a fatal blow to the ambitions of those who saw themselves as President Macron's primary opponents. Much more than the search of the party headquarters itself, and its excesses that we're all familiar with by now, it's the management of the crisis that suggests that the populist tribune and his acolytes are anything but ready to embody a credible opposition force, so questionable is their ability to govern.
That the emotion triggered by a series of raids, which may seem disproportionate, should sweep the troops away, and raise the voices of those affected, is no doubt understandable, within the bounds of decency. It would have been possible to explain it, to justify it, even to take advantage of it to emerge as a political force. human and who, faced with an exceptional situation, reacts with a naturalness that too few politicians still manage to embody. But the outpouring of violence, outrage (and outrageousness) during and again afterwards, make this event what could look like the beginning of the end for the Insoumis.
Collective hysteria
It all starts with the words addressed to the forces of order at the headquarters of the political formation. Add to this the grotesque megalomaniac rantings of the little father of the Insoumis: «Nobody touches me, my person is sacred».», «The Republic’is me».» or that of his right-hand man Alexis Corbière, a multi-recidivist in terms of polemics, who cries out «Hey, I'm an MP, sir!». We knew the leader full of himself and prone to memorable tantrums, particularly when insulted a railroader. We also know that he legitimizes hatred of the press, which he deems to be «a source of great danger".«fair and healthy».
Oe now know that he doesn't hesitate to scorn a journalist who speaks with a focus pronounced that, in his opinion, Radio France journalists are «morons», «liars and cheats», and that they work for a state-owned broadcasting company subservient to the government. Even though Mediapart, one of the few media outlets in the country not to receive a state subsidy, is spearheading the revelations linked to the searches in question. The impression of witnessing a delirium tremens.
A mea culpa missed
Not content with having pitifully failed to manage the crisis live, the Insoumis distinguished themselves by an astonishing ability to deny the facts, or to minimize them afterwards, without forgetting to indulge in a conspiracy that triggers palpable embarrassment in anyone who is even remotely objective. The intervention of Corbière «I reacted like a teacher trying to calm a furious class (...) There was no violence».» or other «It's a political affair disguised as a court case» by Adrien Quatennens, who never forgets to shine in his lack of foresight, confirm that the seriousness of their masquerade has not been understood by those who were on the front line to observe it.
This failed management is confirmed by the surveys indicating that even in the base of supporters of Mélenchon and his henchmen, doubts exist as to the relevance of this gargantuan staging. Moreover, 64% of French people say they are «shocked» by his behavior. He also fell in the esteem of the French, who now place Jean-Luc Mélenchon at only 23% of favorable opinions (for 70% of unfavorable opinions). This puts him behind Benoît Hamon (eleventh with 26%), Marion-Maréchal Le Pen (ninth with 27%) and Rassemblement national leader Marine Le Pen (thirteenth with 25%).
Far from realizing the error of his ways, he continues to play his paranoid game, now claiming that «The culprit of the coup-monté is at the Elysée Palace».» or that he and his band of broken arms are the victims of judicial and media harassment. Not satisfied with scuttling himself, Mélenchon is taking the whole political class, the justice system and the media down with him.
Relying on the «dégagisme» movement to secure his place in the sun, the truculent chef now risks eating his black bread. He has missed his rendezvous with history. To serve and disappear, an idea that has to make its way, but which will eventually impose itself, in spite of the over-inflated ego of a man who will probably never digest his «At 600,000 votes, we would have been present in the second round.».
Write to the author: nicolas.jutzet@leregardlibre.com
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