La France insoumise, the collective illusion

News Mondays - Nicolas Jutzet

The raids of October 16 could well turn into a real «...«Captain Haddock's plaster». Days after this eventful episode, the tension still seems to be at its height. Turning into a never-ending soap opera, the episode in question may well deal a fatal blow to the ambitions of those who saw themselves as President Macron's primary opponents. Much more than the search of the party headquarters itself, and its excesses that we're all familiar with by now, it's the management of the crisis that suggests that the populist tribune and his acolytes are anything but ready to embody a credible opposition force, so questionable is their ability to govern.

That the emotion triggered by a series of raids, which may seem disproportionate, should sweep the troops away, and raise the voices of those affected, is no doubt understandable, within the bounds of decency. It would have been possible to explain it, to justify it, even to take advantage of it to emerge as a political force. human and who, faced with an exceptional situation, reacts with a naturalness that too few politicians still manage to embody. But the outpouring of violence, outrage (and outrageousness) during and again afterwards, make this event what could look like the beginning of the end for the Insoumis.

Collective hysteria

It all starts with the words addressed to the forces of order at the headquarters of the political formation. Add to this the grotesque megalomaniac rantings of the little father of the Insoumis: «Nobody touches me, my person is sacred».», «The Republic’is me».» or that of his right-hand man Alexis Corbière, a multi-recidivist in terms of polemics, who cries out «Hey, I'm an MP, sir!». We knew the leader full of himself and prone to memorable tantrums, particularly when insulted a railroader. We also know that he legitimizes hatred of the press, which he deems to be «a source of great danger".«fair and healthy».

Oe now know that he doesn't hesitate to scorn a journalist who speaks with a focus pronounced that, in his opinion, Radio France journalists are «morons», «liars and cheats», and that they work for a state-owned broadcasting company subservient to the government. Even though Mediapart, one of the few media outlets in the country that does not receive government subsidies, has been at the forefront of reporting on the raids in question. It feels as though we are witnessing a delirium tremens.

A mea culpa missed

Not content with having pitifully failed to manage the crisis live, the Insoumis distinguished themselves by an astonishing ability to deny the facts, or to minimize them afterwards, without forgetting to indulge in a conspiracy that triggers palpable embarrassment in anyone who is even remotely objective. The intervention of Corbière «»I reacted like a teacher trying to calm down a class that was running wild (…) There was no violence." or other «It's a political affair in disguise, masquerading as a legal case» ...from an Adrien Quatennens who never fails to stand out for his lack of foresight—all of which confirms that the gravity of their charade was not understood by those who were, after all, on the front lines to observe it.

This failed management is confirmed by the surveys indicating that even among Mélenchon’s core supporters and his henchmen, there are doubts about the relevance of this gargantuan spectacle. Furthermore, 64% of French people say they are «shocked» by his behavior. He has also fallen in the esteem of the French public, who now rate Jean-Luc Mélenchon at only 23% favorable opinions (compared to 70% unfavorable opinions). This result places him behind Benoît Hamon (eleventh with 26%), Marion Maréchal-Le Pen (ninth with 27%), and National Rally leader Marine Le Pen (thirteenth with 25%).

Far from realizing the error of his ways, he continues to play his paranoid game, now claiming that «The person behind the setup is at the Élysée Palace» or that he and his band of broken arms are the victims of judicial and media harassment. Not satisfied with scuttling himself, Mélenchon is taking the whole political class, the justice system and the media down with him.

Relying on the «dégagisme» movement to secure his place in the sun, the truculent chef now risks eating his black bread. He has missed his rendezvous with history. To serve and disappear, an idea that has to make its way, but which will eventually impose itself, in spite of the over-inflated ego of a man who will probably never digest his «At 600,000 votes, we would have been present in the second round.».

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