The importance of a peaceful memory

Le Regard Libre N° 35 - Clément Guntern

In 2017, Russia commemorated the centenary of the October Revolution. In 1917, the Bolsheviks had overthrown the provisional government to install their own power. Yet, while some remember the date, others celebrate it. Historical memory still needs a great deal of work.

The historical memory of a people can be turned into a political tool for a great power. Examples of this are legion. Russia recently quietly commemorated the centenary of the October Revolution of 1917, which brought Lenin and the Bolsheviks to power, paving the way for decades of Communist control over the country and beyond. To mark this anniversary, a poll was carried out, asking Russians who they thought would be the best leader for the country today. And the person who came out on top was Stalin.

How can you imagine the significance of this result? The Iron Man, who was responsible for atrocious purges throughout the USSR and the deaths of millions of people, would be Russia's favorite politician. Since his death in 1953, however, the de-Stalinization process led by Khrushchev has attempted to liquidate the crimes committed under Stalin, and should have put an end to his image as savior of the fatherland. However, this was not the case. This is not to say that the Russians are a bloodthirsty or barbaric people, but rather that the historical work needed to restore a peaceful memory has not been done.

The commemoration of criminals

The memory of a people whose history has not been studied and enlightened is bound to remain open to interpretation and political motivation. And this is exactly what happened in Russia. This vision of a Communist period that would have brought progress and happiness is widely shared. The ancestors of the men who took part in the regime and its crimes see their forebears adorned with medals, and take great pride in it. The horror has not been sufficiently recounted, and the descendants of these men and women are proud of their ancestors who received the honors of their country. This blurring of the past, the unspoken and the lies, is the breeding ground for future unrest. It is not by burying the events of the past deep in a country's unconscious that it will be able to rise again and continue its march.

A peaceful memory is therefore essential to building a stable and free country. When a country has suffered the worst evils, there's no need to be afraid of public debate and confrontation to talk about the past. We shouldn't be afraid to carry out long and difficult investigations, leading to introspection by the whole nation. More extensive public commemorations could also help to loosen minds. The Russian state has never been in a position to propose such an inquiry into the crimes committed during the Communist era, nor has it ever wanted to, since the October Revolution and the entire century that followed are subject to every possible interpretation.

Some think the revolution was a «great» thing, while others want the state to repent for the crimes committed. In the midst of this debate, the government is currently trying to make people believe that everyone is right. The reds and their executioners, the victims, the whites and the dissidents. This policy has only one objective: to ensure the mobilization of the people in the face of anti-Russian foreign opinion.

The need to put names

Events need to be clear, not necessarily to say which side is at fault or who is right, but to be certain who did what. The question of whether the revolution was a step forward or an atrocity can only be addressed in political debate once all the facts have been told. Even if there was no point in rekindling the pain in the first place, it is imperative today to do the work of inspecting and gathering details about what happened.

Fortunately, this immense task has begun to be undertaken by civil society. Following the example of an ordinary Russian citizen who investigated the death of his great-grandfather during the Stalinist purges, it has been possible to put names to people. These are not necessarily major party officials, but judges, soldiers, secretaries, the men who created the false accusations. Naming the men and women responsible unlocks consciences and sheds a harsh light on the past. Stalin and his aides were not the only culprits. There were executioners. There's no point in hiding them, or saying they had nothing to do with it. Were the victims of the purges killed by ghosts? Regardless of political conviction, it is urgent to open at least a debate, at best an awakening of consciences and a desire for clarification.

Museums are also symptomatic of the Russian memory problem. There are museums of worldwide significance in places of memory such as Auschwitz and Hiroshima, yet the Gulag is not really the subject of a major site, with the exception of the Perm-36 site, which from 1946 to 1988 was one of the camps making up the Gulag Archipelago. Transformed into a museum in 1996, it was forced to close in 2014 for lack of funding. All avenues of partnership with the Russian state were ruled out, and the association that ran the only Russian museum dedicated to political prison camps was dissolved. Local newspapers even welcomed the closure, arguing that the museum would whitewash the actions of the «criminals and traitors» who, in their view, were the majority of the political prisoners who passed through the camp. Such an attitude will never bring about internal reconciliation in Russia. A large part of the population will continue to ignore the facts and glorify the criminals.

The country has reached an impasse. With its refusal to stir up the past, it cannot move serenely towards the future.

Write to the author : clement.guntern@leregardlibre.com